Childhood and Family
Viktor was born on July 9, 1950, in Zhukovka village of Donetsk region. His father, Fedir (Russian sounds like Fedor) Vladimirovich, worked as a train driver and was from Yanuki village of the Vitebsk region, which inhabitants lived on working in mines.
His mother was a Russian woman, Olga Semenivna, and she did not change her last name and remained Leonova after marriage. She was a worker of a medical unit in the mine. She died as Victor turned two years old. After that, Victor’s only relative was his grandmother called Kastusya Ivanovna. Those time she worked in the mine. During the Great Patriotic War, she was kidnapped to Germany & after returning she wasn’t able to resume work experience due to the missing documents. Kastusya Ivanovna received a pension in the amount of 12.5 rubles USSR.
Leonov Semyon Ivanovich, grandfather on the mother’s side, was considered a wealthy person. In order to escape from the dispossession of kulaks, he moved to Donbas from the Orel county.
In one of Viktor Fedorovich interview, he mentioned the Polish roots of his patrilineal grandparents. Ukrainian writer Volodymyr Yavorivsky, while being a deputy to the BYuT faction, claimed the father of Viktor Fedorovich for being an accomplice to the German invaders, so that he was sentenced to ten years in prison. This statement was made by a deputy and a writer at the presidential election in 2010, reinforced his words with 2 documents found in the NKVD’s archives.
The future president received secondary education at Yenakiyevska School #34.
In 1973 he graduated from the Mining Technical School of Yenakiyeve.
In 1980, he received his education in absentia in the Donetsk Polytechnic institute graduating as a “mechanical engineer”. In fact, there are no facts about his studing results and how good he was in subjects. In 2001 he got a diploma in the Ukrainian Academy of Foreign Trade.
Serhiy Nadezdin, the author of the “Ukrainska Pravda” online edition article, claimed his acquaintance for studying with Yanukovych, but never noticed the latter in the classroom. And not only him, but none of the groupmates didn’t remember Victor.
As governor of the Donetsk region, Viktor Fedorovich defended his doctoral dissertation devoted to the control of the industry infrastructure development issue of the region.
Since 1969 Yanukovich worked at the Yenakiyeve Metallurgical Plant.
He has worked as a General Director of the “Donbasrastmontom” OJSC “Uglepromtrans” of the Donetsk Transport Association for 20 years.
In 1989 and 1991 he was elected as a manager.
1964-1978 he has been a member of the Komsomol. And 1980 – 1991 has had the membership of the CPSU. He still developed his skills abd knowledge abd wasnt going to remain where he had been.
In August 1996, he was elected as a Deputy Head, and in September, he became the 1st deputy chairman of the Donetsk regional state administration.
In 2001, having received the consent of Leonid Danilovich Kuchma, he officially went to Moscow for the first time.
All the time, when he held elected office in Ukraine, he supported the “Entrepreneurship of the Donbas citizens of Moscow”.
Since May 1997 till November 2002, he has been a head of the Donetsk Regional State Administration & a deputy of the Donetsk Regional Council. Such an ambitious person has stayed there, as a result, for almost 6 years.
From December 12, 2000, to February 1, 2004, he has worked as a Head of the Department of Innovation Management at Donetsk University. Same year he became a deputy in the Donetsk Regional Council.
November 21, 2002, Viktor Fedorovich was elected on the position of a Prime minister and on April 20, 2003, started being the head of the “Party of Regions”. His political career began this way and later it only grew faster.
From August 4, 2006, to December 18, 2007, he was elected a prime minister for the 2nd time and became a member of the National Security & Defense Council.
And already in February 25, 2010, he became the president of Ukraine & the chairman of the National Security Council & Supreme Commander of the armed forces of Ukraine.
On January 28, 2013, Viktor Fedorovich decided to dismiss Prime Minister Mykola Azarov and all the entire Cabinet of Ministers, and he did it.
On February 2014, almost one hundred people died as a result of the protests. Many buildings of an administrative type were captured.
On February 21, Viktor Fedorovich tried to initiate an early election with a return to the 2004 Constitution, distributing of powers in the direction of a parliamentary republic. But such a decision was not taken.
The rumors about the president resignation were heard on February 22 but Yanukovych denied them. At that time, a coup took place in Kyiv.
The Verkhovna Rada has removed Yanukovych from his position and appointed the election date on May 25. A nationwide alert for Viktor Fedorovich began.
On 27th February, the media spread Yanukovych’s statement he said that Ukraine has all the signs of a coup d’état. He continued to call himself a legitimate President there.
On 28th February 2014, Switzerland began an investigation against Viktor Yanukovych and his eldest son Oleksandr. They were suspected of money-laundering.
On March 2, Acting General Prosecutor Oleg Mechnitsky stated that another criminal case had been opened against Viktor Fedorovich. His speech in Rostov-on-Don was seen as an “attempt and call for the abolition of the constitutional order in Ukraine.” It is according to Part 2 of Art. 109 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine.
On March 4, Lithuanian Foreign Minister Linas Antanas Liskavičius stated that Yanukovych was banned from entering the territory of Lithuania among a number of other Ukrainian high officials suspected of violating human rights as well as “unjustified use of force against peaceful demonstrators”. That was the first step of European ignorance.
On March 6, the GPU reported that another criminal case had been opened against Viktor Fedorovich. The fact is that in 2010, Viktor Fedorovich was able to change the Ukrainian Constitution in an inadmissible way. As a result, he managed to seize power in the state. This fact was considered a crime due to Part 2 of Art. 109 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine.
And already on March 6, 2014, the European Union and Canada announced that Yanukovych and his sons are on the lists of high-ranking Ukrainian officials against which financial sanctions are being imposed.
On the 11th March Viktor Yanukovych made a statement to the press. It wasn’t a long speech. It was in order to persuade Ukrainian people in his innocence. He assured that he is still a legitimate president of Ukraine and supreme commander of the armed forces, since he was not removed from his position in the manner prescribed by the Constitution and that all accusations were unfounded. Allegedly he was accused of escaping in vain, because at the time of hostilities beginning he was on the territory of Ukraine and had no intention of running. He emphasized it several times, because “some countries questioned” his legitimacy.
On March 28, 2014, he told Ukrainians “The fact that Ukraine lost the Crimea was a reaction of people to military actions and inadmissible management of the country. As a president who thinks and worries about his people, I appeal to all the adequate citizens of Ukraine — do not let anyone use you for their own purposes! You have the right to demand an immediate referendum, which will determine the status of all regions of our country. ”
On the same day, the Interfax agency reported that Viktor Fedorovich, according to the deputy chairman of the Party of Regions Boris Kolesnikov, “asked to assume his authority of an honorary leader voluntarily and to exclude him from the party.” The congress cancelled Yanukovych’s membership in this party.
On April 13, Viktor Yanukovych wanted to speak in Rostov-on-Don with a statement regarding the situation in eastern Ukraine. But he wasn’t let to do it.
On the election of the President of Ukraine (May 25, 2014) Viktor Fedorovich noted that he respected the choice of the Ukrainian people. But he still believes that the elections were held incorrectly.